Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram beyond Face Value Political Rhetoric and Why the Governments of Somalia and Nigeria Have Failed to Tame Them
##plugins.themes.bootstrap3.article.main##
##plugins.themes.bootstrap3.article.sidebar##
Abstract
The activities of terrorist nature by the Al-Shabaab militants of Somalia and Boko Haram insurgency group of Nigeria have – in the past decade – drawn centre-stage security attention in the Greater Horn of Africa and the Sahel region. The mayhem they have caused in terms of human loss, damage to infrastructure, and stoking fear in the minds of the populations arguably makes these two groups – whose ideologies are similar – the most ferocious militant groups on the continent. This study aims to trace the underlying causal factors that facilitated the emergence of these two groups on the political scene and why they have become so operationally effective that the governments of Somalia and Nigeria have failed to tame them. Data for this study were collected and evaluated from latent literature obtained through academic journals and books, online publications, and reports from international institutions that focus on African security. The study finds that the militant’s existence has adversely impacted the economic growth prospects of both countries. Thus far, there is no sign on the political horizon that suggests that their operations will cease anytime soon, – in part – because successive governments of Somalia and Nigeria have lamentably failed to resolve the national question, that is, the absence of equitable distribution of national resources, marginalization, and the lack of a genuine desire for inclusive governance. The study notes that regime ineptitude, corruption, nepotism, cronyism, and impunity have become the currency of local politics – practices that work at cross-purposes with the foundational building blocks for a stable and economically viable polity. This status quo means that checks and balances are grossly ineffective, – a consequential recipe for state failure. The study concludes that contrary to widely held notions in the political realm that ethnic and radical religious ideologies are the key driving forces behind the establishment of Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram, the real causal factors lie in the economic mismanagement by successive regimes in Nigeria and Somalia. This study advances the argument that while religion and ethnicity might play a role in the existence of the two militant groups, religious divisions are expediently used as a low hanging fruit by incompetent African regimes to cover the real reasons that lie mainly in bad governance practices. This study’s exposé is vital for both the policy makers as well as for the ordinary citizens to see through this façade and focus on the root causes rather than on the effects, which is what the penchant has seemed to be.
How to Cite
##plugins.themes.bootstrap3.article.details##
Al-Shabaab; Boko Haram; economic deprivation; human rights abuses; marginalisation; militants; Nigeria; Somalia
Adelaja A., Labo A. and Penar E. (2018), “Public Opinion on the Root Causes of Terrorism and Objectives of Terrorists: A Boko Haram Case Study”, Perspectives on Terrorism, Vol. 12, Issue 3, pp. 35–49.
Adibe J. (2012), “What Do We Really Know About Boko Haram?”, in E-International Relations, November 14, available at: https://www.e-ir.info/pdf/29884 (accessed April 30, 2024).
Africa Confidential (2005), The Blair report – unveiled, available at: https://www.africa-confidential.com/article-preview/id/1433/The_Blair_report_-_unveiled (accessed April 30, 2024).
Akani K. N. (2019), Theoretical Frameworks for Insurgency, Preprint, available at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/335134916_THEORETICAL_FRAMEWORKS_FOR_INSURGENCY#fullTextFileContent (accessed April 30, 2024).
Alimba C. N. and Salihu N. (2020), “Understanding the Root Causes of Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria: A Perceptional Study”, Ethnic Studies Review, Vol. 43, Issue 2, pp. 43–57. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/esr.2020.43.2.43
Aondona C. (2020), “Boko Haram: How to Stop It”, in Talking About Terrorism, available at: https://www.talkingaboutterrorism.com/post/boko-haram-how-to-stop-it (accessed April 30, 2024).
Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) (2023), Assessing Al-Shabaab’s Threat to the Region as Somalia Joins the East African Community. Special Report, available at: https://acleddata.com/2023/12/08/special-report-kenya-somalia-assessing-al-shabaabs-threat-to-the-region-as-somalia-joins-the-east-africa-community/ (accessed April 30, 2024).
Barrett P. (2018), “The Fiscal Cost of Conflict: Evidence from Afghanistan, 2005–2016”, IMF Working Paper, No. 18/204. https://doi.org/10.5089/9781484374931.001
BBC News (2013), Nigeria’s Boko Haram rejects Jonathan’s amnesty idea, April 11, available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-22105476 (accessed April 30, 2024).
Bello M. (2021a), Counter-Terrorism Strategy Against Boko Haram and Human Rights in Nigeria, PhD Thesis, University of East London.
Bello M. (2021b), “The Terror Campaign of Boko Haram: Its Transformation and Challenges to Nigeria’s Security”, in Golden Ratio of Social Science and Education, Vol. 1, Issue 2, pp. 85–94. DOI: https://doi.org/10.52970/grsse.v1i2.70
Burke J. (2023), “Rights abuses often ‘tipping point’ for extremist recruitment, UN study finds”, The Guardian, February 7, available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/feb/07/rights-abuses-often-tipping-point-for-extremist-recruitment-un-study-finds (accessed April 30, 2024).
Chigudu D. (2021), “Al-Shabab and fundamental terrorism in Somalia: Threats to the continent and beyond”, International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science, Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 412–418. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v10i3.1106
Coe K., Palmer C. T. and ElShabazz K. (2013), “The Resolution of Conflict: Traditional African Ancestors, Kinship, and Rituals of Reconciliation”, African Conflict & Peace Building Review, Vol. 3, No. 2, pp. 110–128. DOI: https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.3.2.110
Collier P. (1999), “On the economic consequences of civil war”, Oxford Economic Papers, Vol. 51, Issue 1, pp. 168–183. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/oep/51.1.168
Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) (2022), Al-Shabaab: Backgrounder. Report, available at: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/al-shabaab (accessed April 30, 2024).
Ekyamba I. S. (2020), Armed groups and disarmament challenges in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s Kivu region, 2013–2018, University of Pretoria.
Fraser D. (2008), “Failed States: Why They Matter and What we Should do About Them”, Journal of Conflict Studies, Vol. 28, available at: https://journals.lib.unb.ca/index.php/JCS/article/view/11243 (accessed April 30, 2024).
Freedman L. (2007), “The Third World War?”, Survival, Vol. 43, Issue 4, pp. 61–88. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/00396330112331343135
Gellman M. (2020), “Your mother tongue won’t help you to eat: Language politics in Sierra Leone”, African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, Vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 140–149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5897/AJPSIR2020.1292
Hansen S. J. (2013), Al-Shabaab in Somalia: The History and Ideology of a Militant Islamist Group, 2005–2012, Oxford University Press, Oxford. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199327874.001.0001
Ijaseun D. (2022), “From Dorm to doom: A timeline of the Chibok kidnapping”, BusinessDay, April 13, available at: https://businessday.ng/news/article/from-dorm-to-doom-a-timeline-of-the-chibok-kidnapping-till-date/ (accessed April 30, 2024).
Ingiriis M. H. (2020), “Insurgency and International Extraversion in Somalia: The National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) and Al-Shabaab’s Amniyat”. African Security Review, Vol. 29, Issue 2, pp. 121–151. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2020.1740752
International Institute for Strategic Studies (2022), The Armed Conflict Survey 2022: Sub-Saharan Africa Regional Analysis, available at: https://www.iiss.org/blogs/analysis/2022/11/acs-2022-sub-saharan-africa (accessed April 30, 2024).
Institute for Security Studies (2022), Improving Human Security in Africa. Report, available at: https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/ar-2022.pdf (accessed April 30, 2024).
Jenkins C. J. (1985), “Theories of Insurgency”, in The Politics of Insurgency: The Farm Worker Movement in the 1960s, Columbia University Press, New York Chichester, West Sussex, pp. 1–27. https://doi.org/10.7312/jenk92364-003
Jones P. (2018), Twitter as a pivotal platform for engaging and participating in Social change movements, Conference Paper, Curtin University, School of Media, Creative Arts and Social Inquiry.
Joseph D. and Maruf H. (2018), Inside Al-Shabaab: The Secret History of Al-Qaeda’s most Powerful Ally, Indian University Press, Bloomington.
Kanu I. A. (2012), “The Colonial Legacy: The Hidden History of Africa’s Present Crisis”, An International Journal of Arts and Humanities Bahir Dar, Ethiopia, Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 123–131.
Lee A. (2011), “Who Becomes a Terrorist? Poverty, Education, and the Origin of Political Violence”, World Politics, Vol. 63, No. 2, pp. 203–245. DOI: 10.1017/S0043887111000013
Loimeier R. (2012), “Boko Haram: The Development of a Militant Religious Movement in Nigeria”, Africa Spectrum, Vol. 47, No. 2/3, pp. 137–155. https://doi.org/10.1177/000203971204702-308
Lottholz P. and Lemay-Hébert N. (2016), “Re-reading Weber, re-conceptualising state-building: from neo-Weberian to post-Weberian approaches to state, legitimacy, and state-building”, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Vol. 29, Issue 4, pp. 1467–1485. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2016.1230588
Majeed G. (2013), “Ethnicity and Conflict: A Theoretical Perspective”, Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 97–111.
Mantzikos I. (2012), “The absence of state in Northern Nigeria: The case of Boko Haram”, African Renaissance, Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 57–62.
Mayer M. (2015), “The new killer drones: Understanding the strategic implications of next-generation of unmanned combat aerial vehicles”, International Affairs, Vol. 91, Issue 4, pp. 765–780. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12342
Mills G. (2010), Why Africa is Poor: And what Africans can do about it, Penguin, London.
Mueller H. and Tobias J. (2016), “The cost of violence: Estimating the economic impact of conflict”, in International Growth Centre, December.
Murshed S. and Tadjoeddin M. (2009), “Revisiting the greed and grievance explanations for violent internal conflict”, Journal of International Development, Vol. 21, Issue 1, pp. 87–111. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1002/jid.1478
Nbete D. A. (2012), “The Social Contract Theory: A Model for Reconstructing a True Nigerian Nation-State”, International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, Vol. 2, No. 15, pp. 267–278.
Neidleman J. (2012), “The Social Contract Theory in a Global Context”, in E-International Relations, available at: https://www.e-ir.info/pdf/28179 (accessed April 30, 2024).
O’Connor F. (2021), Understanding Insurgency, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Olomojobi Y. (2016), Radical Islam & E-Terrorism in Africa, available at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2858620 (accessed April 30, 2024). DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2858620
Onuoha F. C. (2014), “Why Do Youth Join Boko Haram?”, in United States Institute of Peace, available at: https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR348-Why_do_Youth_Join_Boko_Haram.pdf (accessed April 30, 2024).
Peters A. (2019), “Corruption as a Violation of International Human Rights”, European Journal of International Law, Vol. 29, Issue 4, pp. 1251–1287. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chy070
Radlicki M. (2015a), “Who really rules Somalia? The tale of three big clans and three countries”, Mail and Guardian, May 20.
Radlicki M. (2015b), “Back to Basics: What ISIS, Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram Have in Common, and How They Preach Water and Drink Wine”, Mail and Guardian, June 11.
Roth K. (2015), Human Rights Watch. World Report 2015: Events of 2014, available at: https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2015 (accessed April 30, 2024).
Ryder N. (2015), The Financial War on Terrorism: A Review of Counterterrorist Financing Strategies Since 2001, Milton Park-Oxfordshire, Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203722589
Siamabele B. and Kondowe J. (2021), “A review of ethnicity, democracy, and good governance in Africa”, African Journal of Political Science, and International Relations, available at: https://academicjournals.org/journal/AJPSIR/article-in-press-abstract/a_review_of_ethnicity_democracy_and_good_governance_in_africa (accessed April 30, 2024).
Simuziya N. J. (2021), “Why Power Sharing Pacts Fail to Hold in Africa: The Case of Somalia and the Paucity of the African Union”, Journal of Somali Studies, Vol. 8, No. 2, pp. 53–72. DOI: 10.31920/2056-5682/2021/v8n2a3
Sinkó G. and Besenyő J. (2021), “Comparison of the Secret Service of al-Shabaab, the Amniyat, and the National Intelligence and Security Agency (Somalia)”, International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence, Vol. 36, No. 1, pp. 220–240. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2021.1987143
Snapp S. (2022), “Decolonization should extend to collaborations, authorship, and co-creation of knowledge”, Nature, 612, 178, November 22, available at: https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-022-03822-1 (accessed April 30, 2024). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-022-03822-1
South African Institute for International Affairs (SAIIA) (2023), Africa’s Governance Trajectory: Are AU Mechanisms Working? Report, July 17, available at: https://saiia.org.za/research/africas-governance-trajectory-are-au-mechanisms-working/ (accessed April 30, 2024).
Temitayo A.-O. (2022), “Nigeria fails 109 missing Chibok girls 8 years after adduction”, BusinessDay, April 13, available at: https://businessday.ng/news/article/nigeria-fails-109-missing-chibok-girls-8-years-after-abduction/ (accessed April 30, 2024).
The Christian Post (2023), Death toll continues to rise after Christmas attacks on communities in Nigeria’s Plateau State, available at: https://www.christianpost.com/news/death-toll-rising-in-christmas-attacks-in-nigerias-plateau-state.html (accessed April 30, 2024).
Thurston A. (2017), Boko Haram: The History of an African Jihadist Movement, Princeton University Press, New Jersey. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvc779gc
Tilly C. (2010), “War Making and State Making as Organised Crime”, in Evans Peter, Rueschemeyer Dietrich and Skocpol Theda (eds), Bringing the State Back In, Cambridge University Press, pp. 169–191. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511628283.008
Transparency International Report (2022), Corruption Perceptions Index, available at: https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi/2022 (accessed April 30, 2024).
United Nations Development Program (2023), Dynamics of Violent Extremism in Africa. Report, available at: https://www.undp.org/sites/g/files/zskgke326/files/2023-03/Dynamics%20of%20VE%20in%20Africa%20-%20Report%20-%20English%20-%20Final_.pdf (accessed April 30, 2024).
United States Institute of Peace (USIP) (2002), Truth Commission: Sierra Leone, available at: https://www.usip.org/publications/2002/11/truth-commission-sierra-leone (accessed April 30, 2024).
United States Institute of Peace (USIP) (2018), Civilian-Led Governance and Security in Nigeria After Boko Haram, available at: https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/2018-12/sr_437_civilian_led_governance_and_security_in_nigeria_0.pdf (accessed April 30, 2024).
United Nations Security Council (Counter Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate) UNSC (CTED) (2022), Concerns over the use of the proceeds from the exploitation, trade, and trafficking of natural resources for the purposes of terrorism financing. Report, available at: https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/ctc/sites/www.un.org.securitycouncil.ctc/files/files/documents/2022/Jun/cted_cft_trends_alert_june_2022.pdf (accessed April 30, 2024).
Uzodike U. O. and Maiangwa B. (2012), “Boko Haram Terrorism in Nigeria: Causal Factors and Central Problematic”, African Renaissance, Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 91–118.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.